Репозитарій ОНУ імені І.І.Мечникова

Перегляд за Автор "Brusylovska, Olga I."

Зараз показуємо 1 - 20 з 77

Black Sea Region in World Policy: Actors, Factors, and Scenarios of the Future
(Odesa I. I. Mechnikov National University, 2020) Koval, Ihor M.; Brusylovska, Olga I.; Gaber, Yevheniia; Sinovets, Polina A.; Maksymenko, Iryna V.; Shelest, Hanna; Udovik, Violetta; Glebov, Sergii V.; Коваль, Ігор Миколайович; Брусиловська, Ольга Іллівна; Габер, Євгенія; Сіновець, Поліна Андріївна; Максименко, Ірина Володимирівна; Шелест, Ганна; Удовік, Віолетта; Глебов, Сергій Володимирович
Political, economic and cultural borders are usually different from geographical ones; this also applies to the Black Sea region. Only six countries border the Black Sea: Bulgaria, Romania, Ukraine, Russia, Georgia and Turkey. But the Charter of the Organization of Black Sea Cooperation (BSEC) was also signed by Albania, Moldova, Azerbaijan, Armenia and Greece. Moldova can be geographically considered a part of the Black Sea region, as it is located between Ukraine and Romania and is close to the Black Sea. Greece is close to the mouth of the Bosporus, which connects the Black and Mediterranean Seas. Armenia does not border the Black Sea, but is located near it. Two other countries are located on the shores of other seas connected to the Black Sea by many waterways: Azerbaijan (via the Caspian) and Albania (via the Adriatic). Therefore, the definition of the Black Sea is based on the signing of the BSEC, which laid the foundation for modern economic and political relations between 11 countries in the region. However, the relevance of this monograph is primarily due to the fact that the BSEC has not become the main field of interaction for the Black Sea states. On the contrary, its current state can be bluntly described as “comatose”. Therefore, this collective monograph is devoted, firstly, to identifying the behaviour of the main systemic and non-systemic actors that determine the development of the regional system of the Black Sea region, and, secondly, to identify factors that affect these actors in order to predict their behaviour in the medium term. The purpose of the monograph is to identify the causes of the decline of the Black Sea regional system. The research dilemma can be formulated as follows: to what extent is this decline the result of the actions of the two regional leaders, Turkey and the Russian Federation, and to what extent is it due to non-systemic actors? Among the tasks is the identification of modern theoretical approaches that most adequately help to build a study of the dynamics of the Black Sea region. Also included in these tasks is the identification of the following features: a) the policy of Turkey and Russia as regional leaders of the Black Sea region, b) the policies of the EU and NATO as the most influential international organizations, and c) the policies of China and Japan as non-systemic actors whose influence on the Black Sea is constantly growing. The concepts of systemic and non-systemic actors are critically important for this monograph. Therefore, a systematic approach was chosen for the study, which in turn provided an opportunity to: 1) consider the object under study (the Black Sea) as a complex system of input and output signals, 2) to establish the connection of the system with its environment (world politics, which is manifested in the politics of major world actors), and to 3) specify the object of study (the Black Sea) as a system that is limited by internally defined relationships between elements. A systematic approach to the phenomenon includes the analysis of: 1) the elements that make up the system, 2) the patterns of the origin and development of the phenomenon, 3) its evolution, 4) the reasons for the changes, and 5) the essence and laws of its development. The application of the systems approach first enabled the division of the Black Sea into a number of subsystems (including lower level systems, such as regional leaders, EU newcomers, New Eastern Europe, and the South Caucasus), and then allowed for an analysis of the harmonization of each subsystem within the overall purpose of the system. It further allowed for a final construction of a systemic hierarchy, and the hierarchy of factors which make up this system and contribute to its functioning. A prominent place in the study is given to the study of direct and feedback relations of the Black Sea with the EU, NATO, China and Japan, which constitute the environment of the regional system under study. Additional research methods were chosen, namely the prognostic method and the case study method; the selection of these methods provides for an opportunity not only to investigate individual cases, but also to apply the acquired knowledge in further scientific research on other cases. Scenario construction is a means of forecasting, which is used to predict the development of political events. This establishes a logical sequence of events, based on an existing or given situation. The scenarios focus on the connections between events and on the critical points where the effects can actually have an impact on the situation. Therefore, a study of the Black Sea’s place in world politics would be incomplete without trying to provide potential scenarios for the coming decades. The monograph focuses on the various developing relations in the Black Sea region, which over the years have been researched by the staff of the Department of International Relations of the Odessa I. I. Mechnikov National University. Accordingly, the work is structurally divided into eight sections, each of which covers a separate area of the foreign policy of international and national actors. The work is designed for everyone who is interested in foreign policy and international relations – from students to experts.
Consequences of the Russian invasion of Ukraine for the Mediterranean through the lens of academic discourse
(Astroprint, 2024) Brusylovska, Olga I.; Брусиловська, Ольга Іллівна
The world’s reaction to Russian aggression is still inadequate. What consequences does it have, and what other challenges can it bring to Ukraine, Russia, other countries, and entire regions? Russian aggression against Ukraine has affected not only these two countries. Above all, it has influenced the further development of global problems such as famine, decline of agriculture, rising prices, economic instability and shortage of cheap energy. The war affects not only developing countries but also the most developed ones. Therefore, this chapter presents scenarios for the Mediterranean countries, the EU, and NATO (since the fate of these organisations is vital for the Mediterranean) as they appeared in Academia. The research question is: How has the Russian-Ukrainian war affected the academic discourse on the scenarios for the future of Mediterranean countries? About 100 sources were collected, published during 2022-2024. Semi-structured interview and data from media and secondary sources were used to collect qualitative data; Discourse Analysis was implemented to analyse the qualitative data. The hypothesis is that the Russian-Ukrainian war influenced academic discourse, so we can talk about the return of Classical Realism as the main school of international relations theory. Scientists choose scenario planning as a primary tool for constructing scenarios for the future development of the conflict and its consequences, which allows for managing the uncertainty of the future. The essence of this tool is to study the organisation’s external environment for the presence of predetermined elements and key uncertainties and combine them to formulate alternative scenarios for the future. In short, we must make a choice that, in our opinion, determines the future in a given context. Critical factors for planning are where uncertainty is high and impact is substantial. In our case, the context is Russia’s war against Ukraine, and the subject of substantial impact is the Mediterranean. Scientists use the Russian-Ukrainian war to construct a scenario field/field of uncertainty; then they form scenarios, all the time thinking about their plausibility.
Energy safety of Ukraine: Russian factor
(2017) Brusylovska, Olga I.; Брусиловська, Ольга Іллівна
A number of political events in Ukraine at the end of 2013 and early in 2014 led to the frequent use of the term “the Ukrainian crisis”. It had impact not only on Ukraine’s interaction with the EU and the RF, but also in reviewing of the interstate cooperation of the Western countries and their allies with the RF. As a result of sanctions imposition against the RF because of annexation of Crimea, in 2015 the Russian government took the decision to amend the energy strategy for the period until 2035, in order to maintain the strategic development of the Russian energy sector. To that the majority of countries it was explained as a try to conduct the diversification of energy structure, to develop the not-carbohydrate energy sources and to use nonconventional kinds of fuel. The energy resources are used by Russia as one of the tools of conducting hybrid war against Ukraine and the energy infrastructure became an object of foreign conquest. In future, Russia will try to use its monopoly position in relation to the possession and producing of energy resources as to bring pressure upon both, Ukraine and the EU. In long-term Ukraine and the EU have a diversification opportunity in respect of the energy resources through the development of the nuclear energy production, a use of the alternative energy sources, a technological modernization of the energy sector for extraction of slate gas, a rebuilding of the transport and energy infrastructures.
The engagement of EU in the creation of subjects of international law: Kosovo case
(2013) Brusylovska, Olga I.; Брусиловська, Ольга Іллівна
The theory that has had an impact on the theoretical frames of the present topic was produced by a famous American sociologist Amitai Etzioni (“From Empire to Community: A New Approach to International Relations”). This topic has the aim to analyze the EU politics toward Kosovo independence, and get the answer: Can the European Union act efficiently when acting independently from other international actors? Involvement of EU in Kosovo problem was strengthening from the beginning of 2005. In mid-March 2007 Ahtisaari presented to the Secretary General a plan in the form of a short “Report” and a lengthy “Comprehensive Proposal”. Ultimately, Kosovo is, and will remain until resolved, a European problem. Failure to act would also discredit the EU’s CFSP (Common Foreign and Security Policy) and its efforts to project itself as a credible international actor in conflicts elsewhere. The new international presences in Kosovo described in the “Comprehensive Proposal” of Ahtisaari. It includes ICR, ICO, EULEX, IMP, and ISG, which will review the mandate of theses presences after two years. EULEX, the EU’s biggest ever ESDP operation, was agreed in February 2008. The EU states which have recognized Kosovo interpret the decision on EULEX (Joint Action Plan, 4 February 2008) to mean that EULEX will work together with the Kosovar institutions and authorities. The opposite point said that EULEX did not prejudge the status issue and was thus consonant with UNSCR 1244. EULEX reached full operational strength on the 6th of April 2009. Among the main achievements we can see: 1) EULEX was able to reestablish control of border crossing to Serbia in the north; 2) EULEX judges had commenced holding sessions in the District Court House in the North Mitrovica. These judges are widely respected by local colleagues; 3) EULEX is investigating widespread corruption at the highest levels (ministries, government institutions). These raids should exert a positive effect in deterring corruption. But at the same time the EULEX similar to UNMIK was much too passive, and we can see a lot of problems. Answering on the main research question - can the European Union act efficiently when acting independently from other international actors - we should conclude that it is almost impossible. Lack of coordination between different international actors remains one of the most serious problems for the Kosovo future. But it does not mean, of course, that the EU made a big mistake then it was evolved in decision of this problem. In fact, there was no alternative to strengthen their presence in Kosovo, integral part of Europe.
The ideological transformation of South-Eastern Europe after 2004
(2016) Brusylovska, Olga I.; Брусиловська, Ольга Іллівна
The article explains the role of nationalism and liberalism in the modern ideological transformation of the post-communist countries in the South-Eastern Europe. The author emphasizes that the processes of globalization and European integration didn’t prevent a strengthening of the nationalist parties. The reasons of increasing of nationalist wave are traditional: value orientations, unsolved economic and demographical problems, crises of trust to political elites. The potential for political control depended primarily on the national identity characteristics, which were historically formed in each state: a success of transformation was associated with the degree of adaptation of the liberal-democratic ideology, the development of dissident movement in the previous phase, its support among various social groups. Thus, the following subordination of the transformation factors in order of importance can be observed: the first factor – ideological, the second – political, and the third one – economic. The essential role of external factors in the process of transformation in this context means that the Eastern European elites have to learn to adjust better to the external circumstances and try to use them in order to enhance the level of security, justice and well-being of their country.
International consequences of Russian-Ukrainian conflict
(2017) Brusylovska, Olga I.; Брусиловська, Ольга Іллівна
All polls showed that a majority of people in Russia could not accept the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the independence of Ukraine. Russians generally say they have a more negative attitude towards Ukraine than vice versa. Polls in Russia have shown that after top Russian officials made radical statements or took drastic actions against Ukraine the attitude of those polled towards Ukraine worsened every time (Popescu & Wilson, 2009). The issues that have hurt Russians' view of Ukraine are: Possible Ukrainian NATO membership; Ukrainian attempts to have the Holodomor recognized as genocide against the Ukrainian nation; Attempts to honour the Ukrainian Insurgent Army. Russian governments always tried to use these perceptions like instrument in their foreign policy. The turning point came with the Orange revolution in 2004, when Russia’s clumsy tactics of interference in support for Viktor Yanukovych backfired, triggering a serious Russian tactical rethink. Drawing its lessons from the central role played by civil society groups and NGOs in the Orange revolution, Russia began developing a rival “counter-revolutionary” ideology, supporting “its” NGOs, using “its” web technologies, and exporting its own brands of political and economic influence. Gleb Pavlovskii describes the Orange revolution as “a very useful catastrophe for Russia. We learnt a lot” (Popescu & Wilson, 2009).
Peculiarities of the EU’s soft power strategy towards Ukraine
(Одеський національний університет імені І. І. Мечникова, 2021) Брусиловська, Ольга Іллівна; Хакімова, В, Т.; Brusylovska, Olga I.; Khakimova, Valeria T.; Брусиловская, Ольга Ильинична; Хакімова, B. T.
Proclaiming a new world order, the leaders of Western states provided for the expansion of peace and stability by assisting with Europeanization and the integration of Central and Eastern Europe. However, the situation with Ukraine is more complicated. The aim of the paper is revealing of the EU’s soft power peculiarities towards Ukraine. The methodology is based on studies of Joseph Nye and the USC Centre of Public Diplomacy. Both have been adapted and implemented to the aims of the current study. The most important questions are: What makes the EU attractive abroad? To what extent does the EU rely on its attractiveness in its relations with Ukraine? What prevents the EU from more effectively pursuing its soft power policy towards Ukraine? As a result of this work, it became clear that the EU’s influence on Ukraine and in particular on the solution of the current conflict with Russia was insignificant. This is a paradox if we consider the individual characteristics of both actors. The EU still loses to Russia in digital diplomacy. However, in terms of the attractiveness of cultural achievements, the strength of the EU is about the same as that of Russia. The strength of the diplomatic network, its contribution to global interaction in the case of the EU is relatively higher than that of Russia. Finally, the EU’s strength is much higher than that of Russia in terms of the attractive economic model, business friendliness, and ability to innovate; by the level of human capital, contribution to scholarships, and attractiveness for international students; in the context of a commitment to freedom, human rights and democracy, and the quality of political institutions. In the future, it is necessary to conduct a study of this phenomenon and find out what affects the EU’s inability to use its soft power advantages effectively.
Political transformations in the post-soviet states: methodological approaches and research problems
(Одеський національний університет імені І. І. Мечникова, 2017) Brusylovska, Olga I.; Брусиловська, Ольга Іллівна; Брусиловская, Ольга Ильинична
The article is sanctified to research of, firstly, reasons of system difference between post-Soviet and post-communist transit of European countries, secondly, the exposure of actual nature of the post-Soviet regimes. The aim of this research is a show of the different methodological approaches to the study of political transformations of former Soviet Union countries at the beginning of XXI century.
Relations of post-communist Mediterranean countries with Ukraine in the conditions of Europeanization
(Astroprint, 2024) Brusylovska, Olga I.; Брусиловська, Ольга Іллівна
The early 2000s brought the prospect of the EU's largest-ever enlargement and prompted authors to focus on Europeanization issues. Eastern enlargement raised many new questions and challenges for Europeanization researchers. For instance, it was necessary to determine how the processes of post-communist transformation and Europeanization were interconnected and which significant new political and socio-economic factors were present in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). Given the considerable differences between post-communist countries and the older EU members, research shifted its focus from the effects of EU-level decisions on setting agendas in member states to the impact these decisions had on motivating membership-linked reforms in former socialist bloc countries. Thus, the focus turns to the mechanisms by which the EU motivates potential members to meet its requirements and the obstacles that arise in the path of these countries’ integration. The study of Europeanization in the post-communist world developed within the theoretical framework where the primary theoretical contradiction remained the divergence between rational and sociological institutionalism in explaining the effects of Europeanization. However, the similarity between the Europeanization of old EU members and the Europeanization of post-communist countries ends there. The main difference between Western and Eastern European countries was more than just their distinct histories or levels of socio-economic development. From the perspective of explaining EU influence, the central factor was that CEE countries were still candidates for membership.
The repoliticisation of modern russian-ukrainian relations
(Одеський національний університет імені І. І. Мечникова, 2018) Brusylovska, Olga I.; Брусиловська, Ольга Іллівна; Брусиловская, Ольга Ильинична
Russia and Ukraine have a long period of common history. Today this history has become a subject of hot discussions. Russian scientific elite continues to argue that the Ukrainian language is just a Russian dialect and that Ukraine should become part of the RF; Ukrainian history is always included into Russian history. «Novorossiya» project is in the spirit of imperial ambitions of «the Russian World» and correlates with such historical terms as Pax Romana. So, historical problems and the path of development of modern conflict serve to create new myths and make worse not only bilateral but even international relations.
Review of “Russian political warfare. Essays on Kremlin propaganda in Europe and the neighbourhood, 2020–2023” by Anton Shekhovtsov / Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society. Stuttgart: Ibidem-Verlag, 2023. 202 p.
(Гельветика, 2024) Brusylovska, Olga I.; Брусиловська, Ольга Іллівна
The research of the Kremlin propaganda in Europe has not been considered holistically in domestic political science, therefore this publication is relevant both for the science of international relations in general and for the activities of the Ukrainian state in the context of strengthening informational resistance to the enemy.
Russian Politics Toward Ukraine: was there Ever a Strategic Partnership?
(2019) Брусиловська, Ольга Іллівна; Коваль, Ігор Миколайович; Brusylovska, Olga I.; Брусиловська, Ольга Іллівна; Koval, Ihor M.; Коваль, Игорь Николаевич
The hypothesis of this research was that these states never had a rich level of strategic partnership (despite the officially proclaimed status), but always remained a sort of “negative strategic dependence” because of the high level of asymmetry in their relations. I. Zhovkva proved that the attribute of strategic partnership is community of strategic interests; without its further reflections existing relations are superfluous. G. Perepelytsia marked that scientists must distinguish two definitions of strategic partnership – as a level of the attained cooperation and as an instrument of state foreign policy. In the given article strategic partnership is examined in two measures. The first part is sanctified to the use of the concept of strategic partnership in the foreign policy of the Russian Federation (on the example of Ukraine), and second to accordance of level of their cooperation proclaimed strategic partnership. After 1991, the goal of Moscow was ‘a friendly and neutral Ukraine.’ The relations were built primarily on an economic basis, but even then Russia widely used a ban on the import of some goods as a political instrument. After 2004, problems in Russian-Ukrainian relations related to the Russian military base in Crimea and the basing of the Russian Black Sea Fleet aggravated. Kremlin tried to destruct Ukraine rather than let it go its own way; these witnessed against the contemporary concept of strategic partnership, which was the foundation of Russian politics towards Ukraine. Rather, the RF used very old policy of ‘stick and carrot’ (low gas prices and other economic preferences as the carrot, responsibility for ‘compatriots’ as the stick). The Treaty on Friendship, Cooperation, and Partnership between Ukraine and the Russian Federation was denounced as well as all Russian-Ukrainian agreements on the Black Sea Fleet, so, the RF itself refuses from using ‘strategic partnership’ as instrument of its policy towards Ukraine.
Russian-Ukrainian conflict. first stage: propaganda war
(Одеський національний університет імені І. І. Мечникова, 2015) Brusylovska, Olga I.; Брусиловська, Ольга Іллівна; Брусиловская, Ольга Ильинична
The aim of the paper is to explore the evolution of the Russian aims and the instruments of influence in Ukraine during 2013-2014. The works of Nicu Popescu and Andrew Wilson about the special aspects of the Russian power were used as the theoretical foundation of this paper. The analysis of Russian and Ukrainian media proves that the Russian-Ukrainian conflict has a com¬bined character therefore it might become even the longest frozen conflict in the post-communist world.
South-Eastern Europe in quest of national security and Euro-Atlantic integration
(2015) Brusylovska, Olga I.; Брусиловська, Ольга Іллівна
This paper highlights the problem of national security that has been a subject of extensive debates in the South-Eastern Europe since 1989. After the collapse of the USSR in late 90’s, the most Eastern European states have decided to join Western institutions. The main questions of the integration are: Which new national security concepts do emerge in the region of SEE? How were challenges for security defined in these concepts? How did Bosnian tragedy influence on the improving of security concepts? Will NATO be considered only as the military power or as organization able to accelerate economic modernization in South-Eastern Europe? When will NATO countries accept the idea of enlargement? Which are the basic requirements for the candidate states? How did NATO enlargement influence on NATO transformation? Does NATO Membership Action Plan have any new peculiarities? The theoretical frames of this article are based on the Regional Security Complex Theory. RSCT demonstrates why particularly the security determines the development of all other spheres of social and political life in the peripheral (unstable) regions. The security of each actor in the region interacts with the security of the other ones. There is strong security interdependence within the region, but not among regions. This feature has an impact on the region and makes the regional security an interesting area of study. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the process and results of formulation of the new security agenda in South-Eastern Europe.
Strategic Culture and Foreign Policy of Ukraine
(Одеський національний університет імені І. І. Мечникова, 2017) Koval, Ihor M.; Коваль, Ігор Миколайович; Коваль, Игорь Николаевич; Brusylovska, Olga I.; Брусиловська, Ольга Іллівна; Брусиловская, Ольга Ильинична; Dubovyk, Volodymyr A.; Дубовик, Володимир Алімович; Дубовик, Владимир Алимович; Sinovets, Polina A.; Сіновець, Поліна Андріївна; Синовец, Полина Андреевна; Glebov, Sergii V.; Maksymenko, Iryna V.; Максименко, Ірина Володимирівна; Максименко, Ирина Владимировна; Kuzmin, Denys V.; Кузьмін, Денис Валерійович; Кузьмин, Денис Валерьевич; Pokas, Mykhailo S.; Покась, Михайло Сергійович; Покась, Михаил Сергеевич; Tarasiuk, Yuliia M.; Тарасюк, Юлія Матвіївна; Тарасюк, Юлия Матвеевна; Zubarenko, Iryna V.; Зубаренко, Ірина Валеріївна; Зубаренко, Ирина Валерьевна; Poble, Dmytro; Zadorozhnia, Alina H.; Maistrenko, Yuliia I.; Майстренко, Юлія Іванівна; Майстренко, Юлия Ивановна; Задорожня, Аліна Григорівна
The state’s strategic culture is an integrated system of symbols reflected in language, analogies, myths, metaphors, and daily rituals. This system creates firm strategic goals and/or preferences for the role of power (economic, military, and political) in the interstate relations. Strategic culture relates to shared beliefs and patterns of behaviour, which grew out of common experiences and adopted narratives (oral and written). These change collective identity and relations with other groups, determining the accepted objectives and methods for fulfilling tasks in the realm of security. Contemporary political scientists and scholars of international relations are paying more attention to the study of strategic culture since there are more and more international problems related to the fact that the actors “speak different languages”, meaning that the same phenomenon is interpreted differently in different cultures; one side often cannot comprehend the viewpoint of its opponent. In order to foresee future developments and to conduct strategic planning, the politicians and scholars, who are involved in the decision-making process, must be able to account for sudden changes in cultural symbols and behavioural habits, adjustments which were already made by the political elites of various states. The question of how identity influences the strategic choices of a state is timely for contemporary political scientists. So, the main notions that are most frequently connected to the analysis o f strategic-cultural discourses are the following: history, national character, national memory, culture, religion, faith, customs, ethnicity, multiculturalism, behavioural habits, socialization, political thought, values, morals and law, ceremonies, and myths.
Territorial and cross-border cooperation of the EU with Russia, Ukraine and Moldova
(2015) Brusylovska, Olga I.; Брусиловська, Ольга Іллівна
The goal of this paper is to provide a complex analysis of the cross-border cooperation of the EU with Moldova, Russia, and Ukraine in order to present a set of ideas and activities which turned the EU into the key actor of the territorial and cross-border cooperation. Among aims of the article are to analyze 1) aims of the national policy in the field of CBC; 2) involvement of border regions of Moldova, Russia, and Ukraine in CBC; 3) example of EUBAM as EU mission experience in the sphere of CBC. Network methodology is perspective in the study of cooperation such unequal in strength, capabilities and standards actors as the EU and post-Soviet countries. There are problems of EU integration that influences on CBC: lack of judicial independence, political inertia, brain drain. Any significant improvement in the current situation is impossible without a better planning, identification of the most effective instruments, and better-financial support from EU.
The role of the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation in the Turkish-Russian relations
(Одеський національний університет імені І. І. Мечникова, 2021) Nasikivska, Vira M.; Насіківська, Віра Миколаївна; Brusylovska, Olga I.; Брусиловська, Ольга Іллівна; Брусиловская, Ольга Ильинична
The article analyzes the impact of the annexation of Crimea on the development of the Turkish-Russian relations. It highlights the issue of Russia violating the rights of the Crimean Tatars and presents it as the main source of concern for Turkey. At the same time, the article demonstrates how Ankara takes advantage from the increased economic cooperation with Moscow after the Western sanctions were imposed on Russia.
The war in Ukraine: russian narratives in the mirror of Eastern European media
(Одеський національний університет імені І. І. Мечникова, 2023) Brusylovska, Olga I.; Брусиловська, Ольга Іллівна
The research based on case-study (cases of Poland and Serbia) and Discourse Analysis of the articles of major Polish and Serbian daily nation-wide quality broadsheet newspapers and online news portals (Rzeczpospolita; Politika) for a six-month period (February 24 – August 23, 2022). The research question is: What impact do the official Russian narratives enforce upon media discourses of Russian-Ukrainian war 2022 in Central and South-Eastern Europe (cases of Poland and Serbia)? The hypothesis is that media in Central and South-Eastern Europe repeat the official Russian narratives about Russian-Ukrainian war 2022.
Ukrainian business media in the context of “power - large capital” relations
(2014) Brusylovska, Olga I.; Брусиловська, Ольга Іллівна
Dangerous system of “power - large capital” relations is constructed in Ukraine, which admitted to form oligarchic capitalism without the control of society. The presidency of Leonid Kuchma generated the “time of oligarchs”. Famous economist Anders Åslund prognoses: future development of Ukraine will be most interesting condemnation to the board of the oligarchs. In the exploration task enters to explore position of business mass-media about the influence of large business on the development of modern Ukraine.
Болгарія-Україна: особливості відносин в умовах російсько-української війни
(Одеський національний університет імені І. І. Мечникова, 2023) Стурмак, Д. К.; Sturmak, D. K.; Брусиловська, Ольга Іллівна; Brusylovska, Olga I.
У статті аналізується сперечливе суспільно-громадське ставлення до війни в Україні, російської агресії та необхідності надання військо-гуманітарної допомоги в Республіці Болгарія. Передбачається, що основний ідеологічний конфлікт між офіційною позицією держави та реакцією болгарського суспільства загострився у 2022–2023 рр. на тлі повномасштабного вторгнення Російської Федерації на територію України і запровадження болгарським урядом низки політико- економічних ініціатив для допомоги українським мігрантам й біженцям. Стаття присвячена порівняльному аналізу офіційних урядових висловлювань та оцінок суспільних настроїв. Автором залучені коментарі вищого політичного керівництва країни, інформативні джерела щодо активності громадських сил, а також дані ЗМІ, що ілюструють еволюцію обізнаності болгар щодо України.

Перегляд за Автор "Brusylovska, Olga I."

Результатів на сторінці

Налаштування сортування